'This Is Painful': Hillary Clinton Addresses Stunned Staff And Nation In Defeat

November 10, 2016

Washington, Nov 10: Hillary Clinton saw a rancorous campaign through to its bitter end on Wednesday, conceding the presidency to a man she had called unfit for the office and a threat to the fabric of the country.

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In defeat, Clinton turned one of her central attacks on Donald Trump into a charge for the presidency she was denied, urging the next president and her disheartened supporters to respect the peaceful transfer of power.

"We have seen that our nation is more deeply divided than we thought," Clinton said hours after losing a presidential election she had been widely seen as sure to win. "But I still believe in America, and I always will. And if you do, then we must accept this result and then look to the future."

Speaking to a hastily assembled group of campaign staff, volunteers and supporters, Clinton went on: "Donald Trump is going to be our president. We owe him an open mind and the chance to lead."

She grew misty-eyed but maintained her composure even as her supporters could not throughout a speech she never imagined giving, in a hotel ballroom farther in feel than in distance from the exquisitely planned celebration she did not have on Tuesday night.

Hours earlier, Clinton had also planned to speak of the promise of "an America that's hopeful, inclusive and big-hearted." She had planned to call for unity and healing, with her own history-making election as the first female president a galvanizing example.

That dream started to unravel about 8:30 p.m. Tuesday, when roughly half the states had voted and results showed a Trump lead that Clinton's confident, data-driven campaign had not foreseen.

Clinton's second unsuccessful run for the White House relied heavily on a complex computer algorithm that the campaign was prepared to publicly unveil after the election.

As election results rolled in Tuesday, Clinton watched from a suite in the Peninsula Hotel in Manhattan as her would-be electoral advantage disappeared. The gulf opened and never closed as Trump performed more strongly than expected in several upper-Midwestern states that had voted for Democrats for a generation.

Earlier in the night, top Clinton aides bounced around the room doing media interviews and chatting with reporters, projecting optimism that Clinton's voters would come through with record turnout.

But by 9 p.m., the early warning signs had become dire. Virginia, a state that they thought would be an easy win, was looking like a squeaker. Florida had begun to appear out of reach. And Trump's victories in Iowa and Ohio, which were expected, became the leading edge of a Trump wave that swamped Clinton.

Not only did Trump capture big margins in battleground states, outperforming expectations for a divisive and damaged candidate, but he outperformed 2012 nominee Mitt Romney in some categories. Meanwhile, Clinton underperformed with the groups she needed most - minorities and younger voters - showing that she could neither recreate the much-admired "Obama coalition" nor assemble what her aides had begun to call her own "Hillary coalition."

One by one, Clinton aides began disappearing from the main hall and not answering their phones. They retreated to a nearby war room, which was cordoned off and guarded, and never returned. The mood outside the room turned from confusion to disbelief, anger and dejection.

Back at the Peninsula, campaign aides who were not part of Clinton's small core of intimate friends and advisers gradually peeled away and came to the Javits Center in ones and twos. Eventually it was only Clinton, her family and the closest advisers including Huma Abedin and Cheryl Mills making the decision first to put off a concession speech and then to concede by phone.

Mills smiled softly and shook her head when asked Wednesday what those hours were like.

"It's too raw," she said as she talked with Clinton supporters outside the New Yorker Hotel, where Clinton, flanked by running mate Sen. Tim Kaine, Va., and her husband and daughter, had said goodbye.

Clinton did not dwell Wednesday on what other friends said was an agonizing reckoning in that hotel room, but the mood was akin to the funeral for a sudden death - shocking, mystifying and starkly real. It was clear that no one - not Clinton, not her husband, not her supporters, not the core team of her campaign - had seen it coming.

"I know how disappointed you feel because I feel it too, and so do tens of millions of Americans who invested their hopes and dreams in this effort," Clinton said. "This is painful, and it will be for a long time."

Time and time again, Clinton and the team seemed to miss the magnitude of the forces that would overtake her in the Democratic primary and later against Trump.

It wasn't until Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont showed surprising strength in Iowa that the Clinton campaign put real stock in the strength of his populist economic message. The same forces helped Trump win on Tuesday.

Clinton would need voters to choose her over her opponents because of how she would "handle the economy and relate to the middle class," her campaign manager Robby Mook wrote in an email to close advisers in March 2014.

But more often, the effort to disqualify Trump based on his temperament took precedence over an economic focus.

Clinton's aides knew that there were soft spots in the Obama voting coalition that could pose problems for Clinton's bid. Her support among young voters was fragile, and in early voting, African American turnout and enthusiasm lagged.

In the end, Clinton's inability to bring out Democratic voters in the election was a dramatic failure that left her more than 5 million votes shy of Obama's total in 2012, according to preliminary results. Trump was ultimately able to claim victory having earned fewer votes than Romney did in 2012.

Latino voters did turn out in 2016, but many more than expected were willing to give Trump a shot at the White House. Among nonwhite voters, Clinton led Trump by 54 points - a whopping advantage but less than Obama's 61-point lead four years ago.

These miscalculations probably cost Clinton key states that Obama won four years ago: Michigan, Wisconsin, Florida and Pennsylvania. Clinton walked away having won the popular vote but having lost badly to Trump in the electoral college.

While her reliance on analytics became well known, the particulars of "Ada" the algorithm's work were kept under tight wraps, according to aides. The algorithm operated on a separate server than the rest of the Clinton operation as a security precaution, and only a few senior aides had access.

According to aides, a raft of polling numbers, public and private, were fed into the algorithm, as well as ground-level voter data collected by the campaign. Once early voting began, those numbers were factored in, too.

With that, aides said, Ada ran 400,000 simulations a day of what the race against Trump might look like. It spat out a report giving campaign manager Mook and others a detailed picture of which battleground states were most likely to tip the race in one direction or another - and guiding decisions about where to spend time and deploy resources.

But was it the right guidance? It appears that the importance of some states Clinton would lose - including Michigan and Wisconsin - never became fully apparent or that it was too late once it did.

Clinton made several visits to Michigan during the general election, but it wasn't until the final days that she, Obama and her husband made a concerted effort.

As for Wisconsin, Clinton didn't make any general-election appearances there at all.

Said Mook, in a wee-hours thank-you note to campaign workers: "Campaigns are incredibly hard, and sometimes the results don't reflect the merit, work and commitment that goes into them. This is one of those times."

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April 11,2024

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Real estate tycoon Truong My Lan was sentenced Thursday to death by a court in Ho Chi Minh city in southern Vietnam in the country's largest financial fraud case ever, state media Thanh Nien said.

It's a rare verdict - she is one of very few women in Vietnam to be sentenced to death for a white collar crime, i.e. looting one of the country's largest banks over a period of 11 years.

The decision is a reflection of the dizzying scale of the fraud. Truong My Lan was convicted of taking out $44bn (£35bn) in loans from the Saigon Commercial Bank. The verdict requires her to return $27bn, a sum prosecutors said may never be recovered. Some believe the death penalty is the court's way of trying to encourage her to return some of the missing billions.

The habitually secretive communist authorities were uncharacteristically forthright about this case, going into minute detail for the media. They said 2,700 people were summoned to testify, while 10 state prosecutors and around 200 lawyers were involved.

The evidence was in 104 boxes weighing a total of six tonnes. Eighty-five defendants were tried with Truong My Lan, who denied the charges.

"There has never been a show trial like this, I think, in the communist era," says David Brown, a retired US state department official with long experience in Vietnam. "There has certainly been nothing on this scale."

The trial was the most dramatic chapter so far in the "Blazing Furnaces" anti-corruption campaign led by the Communist Party Secretary-General, Nguyen Phu Trong.

A conservative ideologue steeped in Marxist theory, Nguyen Phu Trong believes that popular anger over untamed corruption poses an existential threat to the Communist Party's monopoly on power. He began the campaign in earnest in 2016 after out-manoeuvring the then pro-business prime minister to retain the top job in the party.

 The campaign has seen two presidents and two deputy prime ministers forced to resign, and hundreds of officials disciplined or jailed. Now one of the country's richest women has joined their ranks.

Truong My Lan comes from a Sino-Vietnamese family in Ho Chi Minh City, formerly Saigon. It has long been the commercial engine of the Vietnamese economy, dating well back to its days as the anti-communist capital of South Vietnam, with a large, ethnic Chinese community.

She started as a market stall vendor, selling cosmetics with her mother, but began buying land and property after the Communist Party ushered in a period of economic reform, known as Doi Moi, in 1986. By the 1990s, she owned a large portfolio of hotels and restaurants.

Although Vietnam is best known outside the country for its fast-growing manufacturing sector, as an alternative supply chain to China, most wealthy Vietnamese made their money developing and speculating in property.

All land is officially state-owned. Getting access to it often relies on personal relationships with state officials. Corruption escalated as the economy grew, and became endemic.

By 2011, Truong My Lan was a well-known business figure in Ho Chi Minh City, and she was allowed to arrange the merger of three smaller, cash-strapped banks into a larger entity: Saigon Commercial Bank.

Vietnamese law prohibits any individual from holding more than 5% of the shares in any bank. But prosecutors say that through hundreds of shell companies and people acting as her proxies, Truong My Lan actually owned more than 90% of Saigon Commercial.

They accused her of using that power to appoint her own people as managers, and then ordering them to approve hundreds of loans to the network of shell companies she controlled.

The amounts taken out are staggering. Her loans made up 93% of all the bank's lending.

According to prosecutors, over a period of three years from February 2019, she ordered her driver to withdraw 108 trillion Vietnamese dong, more than $4bn (£2.3bn) in cash from the bank, and store it in her basement.

That much cash, even if all of it was in Vietnam's largest denomination banknotes, would weigh two tonnes.

She was also accused of bribing generously to ensure her loans were never scrutinised. One of those who was tried used to be a chief inspector at the central bank, who was accused of accepting a $5m bribe.

The mass of officially sanctioned publicity about the case channelled public anger over corruption against Truong My Lan, whose fatigued, unmade-up appearance in court was in stark contrast to the glamorous publicity photos people had seen of her in the past.

But questions are also being asked about why she was able to keep on with the alleged fraud for so long.

"I am puzzled," says Le Hong Hiep who runs the Vietnam Studies Programme at the ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore.

"Because it wasn't a secret. It was well known in the market that Truong My Lan and her Van Thinh Phat group were using SCB as their own piggy bank to fund the mass acquisition of real estate in the most prime locations.

"It was obvious that she had to get the money from somewhere. But then it is such a common practice. SCB is not the only bank that is used like this. So perhaps the government lost sight because there are so many similar cases in the market."

David Brown believes she was protected by powerful figures who have dominated business and politics in Ho Chi Minh City for decades. And he sees a bigger factor in play in the way this trial is being run: a bid to reassert the authority of the Communist Party over the free-wheeling business culture of the south.

"What Nguyen Phu Trong and his allies in the party are trying to do is to regain control of Saigon, or at least stop it from slipping away.

"Up until 2016 the party in Hanoi pretty much let this Sino-Vietnamese mafia run the place. They would make all the right noises that local communist leaders are supposed to make, but at the same time they were milking the city for a substantial cut of the money that was being made down there."

At 79 years old, party chief Nguyen Phu Trong is in shaky health, and will almost certainly have to retire at the next Communist Party Congress in 2026, when new leaders will be chosen.

He has been one of the longest-serving and most consequential secretary-generals, restoring the authority of the party's conservative wing to a level not seen since the reforms of the 1980s. He clearly does not want to risk permitting enough openness to undermine the party's hold on political power.

But he is trapped in a contradiction. Under his leadership the party has set an ambitious goal of reaching rich country status by 2045, with a technology and knowledge-based economy. This is what is driving the ever-closer partnership with the United States.

Yet faster growth in Vietnam almost inevitably means more corruption. Fight corruption too much, and you risk extinguishing a lot of economic activity. Already there are complaints that bureaucracy has slowed down, as officials shy away from decisions which might implicate them in a corruption case.

"That's the paradox," says Le Hong Hiep. "Their growth model has been reliant on corrupt practices for so long. Corruption has been the grease that that kept the machinery working. If they stop the grease, things may not work any more."

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April 24,2024

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Pro-Gaza US protesters in New York's Columbia University say they will stay put despite the university's harassment and police crackdown.

The protesters said they refuse to concede to "cowardly threats and blatant intimidation" by university administration, asserting that they will continue to peacefully protest.

Columbia University threatened the students with the national guard after refusing to bargain in good faith.

The university announced a midnight deadline for talks regarding the removal of pro-Palestine encampments on the varsity campus, warning that their campsite will be forcefully cleared by police if no agreement is reached.

The university campus is being used as a campsite for hundreds of pro-Palestine protesters and other activists, who have gathered and set up numerous tents.

Pro-Palestinian protests at colleges have demanded that their universities divest from corporations doing business with Israel or profiting off the war in Gaza. At Columbia, protesters have also asked the university to end a dual-degree program with Tel Aviv University.

The deadline was announced by Columbia University President Minouche Shafik late Tuesday, as authorities across major American universities have launched their repression campaigns against the pro-Palestinian protests on campuses, amid rising anger over US's support for Israel. 

Shafik has issued a midnight deadline to protesters and organizers, warning that failure to comply will result in the forcible clearance of the camp by the New York Police Department (NYPD).

The university has engaged in discussions with student leaders behind the protests, which are part of a series of protests taking place at various colleges nationwide and resulting in multiple arrests.

The purpose of these talks is to address the encampment on the west lawn of Columbia's Morningside Heights campus.

American universities are grappling with the challenge of maintaining a delicate balance between the right to protest and freedom of speech, while also ensuring campus rules and safety, as tensions surrounding the ongoing war in Gaza continue to permeate across campuses.

Meanwhile, Shafik underscored the importance of free speech and the right to demonstrate, but highlighted significant safety issues, disruptions to campus activities, and a strained environment due to the encampment. She firmly stated that any form of intimidation, harassment, or discrimination would not be accepted.

The arrest of more than 100 protesters at Columbia University last week led to more campus demonstrations, at New York University, Yale, and the University of California, Berkeley.

Palestinian university professor Sami al-Arian said what is happening across US university campuses is unprecedented.

Al-Arian said, "I lived four decades in the US, 28 years of which were in academic settings. During my time, it was a very challenging struggle to present an anti-Zionist narrative."

"But the passion, courage, humanity, creativity, and determination displayed these days by students across US campuses make me proud. The Zionist grip on US society is weakening and waning."

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