Is there a Legal recourse for #MeToo victims?

Advocate P Anu Chengappa
October 30, 2018

While #MeToo campaign victims are being hailed for coming out in public against their perpetrators, many of them are being viewed with a tinge of suspicion by the society. Why are they complaining now? Is it for publicity? Is it political? 

Unfortunately, many more such questions are being raised behind curtains indirectly vouching for the culprits’ action. This kind of attitude has bolstered culprits to drag the victims to the court. In that case, what chances do the victims will have especially if they do not have any proofs to back up their allegation? How does the law come to the rescue of these victims? Should the victims fight it out in the social media or knock the doors of the court? Recently, news media reported that even Supreme Court declined the 'urgent hearing' of MeToo petitions.

The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013, could be a relief for the #MeToo victims to reclaim their dignity and pride.
 
Society for generations has been governed by patriarchal mindsets treating a woman like chattel owned by a man, at his beck and call, with no sense of individuality. Girls have been brought up to tolerate and remain silent.  The occasional few who did dare to venture out in pursuit of their dreams were branded deviant.  A woman venturing out to work was acceptable only if it was inevitable for her to contribute to the family income. If she complained about her work environment, she would be told to quit or adjust for the sake of the family income. Invariably she would be blamed for putting herself in situations. The only choice for a woman was to stay mum if she wanted a career. It is this inevitability and vulnerability of women that made them easy victims of harassment at workplace.  

It was accepted as a necessary evil to cope with rather than complain. But it is only in the 1990s that the concept of ‘sexual harassment at workplace’ came to be recognised and finally found a formal mention in the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women, 1992 (CEDAW) which was ratified by India in 1993.  However, no legislation was promulgated to fulfill this international obligation. 

It is then that the Supreme Court of India stepped in to fill in the lacuna by pronouncing guidelines to prevent and redress sexual harassment at workplace in the landmark case of Vishaka Vs. State of Rajasthan in 1997.  

The Constitutional mandate lies in Article 14 (right to equality and equal treatment), Article 15 (not to be discriminated by gender), Article 19(1)(g) (Right to work) and Article 21 (Right to livelihood and to dignity and privacy at workplace). 

Understanding the urgency and seriousness involved, the Supreme Court made it mandatory for every workplace private, public or the unorganized sector, to follow these guidelines till legislation was promulgated.  However, not many employers took the issue seriously despite warnings and deadlines from court.  It is only in 2013 that these guidelines crystallized in the form of the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act.
 
So, what exactly is this Act?

The emphasis of this law is on “prevention” and the onus is on the employer to draft a sexual harassment policy, set up an Internal Complaints Committee (ICC) and create awareness amongst employees regarding the same.  “Protection” of women employees is the next mandatory obligation of the employer by creating a safe and comfortable work environment. If there is a proved incident of harassment, it is the duty of the employer to ensure that necessary action is initiated against the perpetrator according to service rules or as otherwise prescribed in the harassment policy.  

If a workplace does not have an ICC or the complaint is against the employer himself, such complaints may be considered by the Local Complaints Committee set up by the district administration.

Sexual harassment need not be physical only, it could be any verbal or nonverbal conduct that is unwelcome and uncomfortable for a woman.  The aggrieved woman endures a lot of trauma and emotional upheaval.  For some it may take a few days, for others it may take months or years to even accept the fact that she has been harassed and then more time to muster the courage to complain. Such being the situation it is very unlikely that there will be hardcore evidence to prove her case.

Further, witnesses may not be forthcoming for various reasons.  Considering these ground realities, it is presumed in law that when a woman complains of sexual harassment, she is speaking the truth and the perpetrator is considered to be guilty till he proves his innocence. 

Law mandates that the aggrieved woman must complain within 3 months from the date of the incident and only in exceptional cases the ICC may condone the delay beyond 3 months. 

The emphasis of the law is to make the victim comfortable and confident throughout the process.  So, it is mandatory that the ICC should be headed by a woman and not less than half the committee should be women. Immediate interim reliefs may be recommended by the ICC.  These include leave from work up to 3 months (in addition to the leave she is otherwise entitled to), ensuring immediate medical or psychiatric help for her if required, transferring the perpetrator or the victim to another branch upon such request by the victim.  If the victim is not in a position to complain in person, a family member or friend can complain on her behalf.  

At every stage strict confidentiality has to be maintained. The identity of neither the victim not the perpetrator should be disclosed to anyone and a member of the ICC can be penalized or removed if found to have violated this mandate.  

Before initiating enquiry, on the request of the victim, efforts may be made towards conciliation.  If the perpetrator apologizes “to the satisfaction of the woman” or some other terms and conditions are mutually agreed upon and she does not wish to proceed further, the matter may be closed as amicably settled.

In an enquiry the emphasis is on understanding whether the alleged action was ‘unwelcome’ to the victim.  The requirement is to get into the shoe of the victim and understand her situation and feeling.  The apex court has mandated that women should not be treated as a class for what is acceptable for one may not be acceptable to another.  

Enquiry has to be completed within 90 days and if the harassment amounts to an offence under the Indian Penal Code (IPC), simultaneously a complaint may be registered with the police which will be an investigation independent of the ICC proceeding and vice versa. 

If the victim is a minor, action can also be initiated under the Prevention of Child Sexual Offences Act (POCSO).  Once the ICC gives its recommendation, it is the duty of the employer to implement it.  Action can be initiated under the service rules of the accused.  It could range from withholding promotion or bonus to transfer to even removal from service depending on the gravity of the act.  In addition the ICC can also recommend payment of damages and compensation to the victim by the perpetrator which will be deducted from his salary or directly paid by him by the victim.

Though the tenor of the law is to protect and support women, there are sufficient riders to ensure against misuse.  If conciliation is reached, there is a specific prohibition on any monetary component in such settlement.  

Further, if it is found that if the complaint is false or if a witness has made false statements or false evidence has been created, appropriate punishment will be meted out to such complainant or witness.

After enactment of the 2013 legislation most organisations and institutions have adhered to the mandate and have been implementing their obligations in POSH (Prevention of Sexual Harassment) cases. Since confidentiality is maintained at all levels, most of these cases are not within public domain.

But the ongoing ‘Me Too’ campaign throws up a pertinent question as to whether confidentiality itself could become counterproductive to the object of the law with non-disclosure serving as an encouragement to the perpetrator.  As the saying goes “Sunshine is the best disinfectant.” If the victim wants to come out in the open in a bid to expose such perpetrators especially those ensconced in the higher echelons of power who but for such media glare would dust off or trivialize the issue, is confidentiality really needed. Defamation is a handy tool for the perpetrator to gag public exposure. 

However, if truth of the allegation is proved, action for defamation stands defeated and in fact could become a counterproductive handle for initiation of a counter defamation action by the victim.  If no charges are proved in an IPC offence, the perpetrator can initiate a proceeding for malicious prosecution against the complainant.

Sexual harassment law in India is specific in protecting women; however, the accused may be a man or a woman. In fact organisations are adopting gender neutral sexual harassment policies understanding that men could also be equally vulnerable. 

As more skeletons tumble out we seem to be evolving towards new paradigms of workplace gender equality, crystallizing laws and procedures to suit emerging situations.  Crux being that sexual harassment in the workplace is no longer an issue to be swept under the carpet.

(The author is an advocate and the Secretary of Karnataka State Bar Council Sexual Harassment Redressal Committee)

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News Network
January 20,2026

Mangaluru: In a major step towards strengthening rural innovation, the Office of the Principal Scientific Adviser (PSA) to the Government of India is supporting the establishment of RuTAGe Smart Village Centres (RSVCs) across the country through collaborations with academic institutions, civil society organisations and philanthropic partners.

As part of this national initiative, Nitte (Deemed to be University) will set up the first RSVCs in the region at Nitte GP in Udupi district and at the Nitte Health Centre, Sevanjali Trust, Farangipete, in Dakshina Kannada district. The centres will be inaugurated on January 21. In South India, the programme is being implemented by the Section Infin-8 Foundation (SI-8).

Speaking to reporters on Monday, SI-8 founder-director Vishwas US said experts from Nitte University and SI-8 would work closely with farmers, students, youth and local entrepreneurs to adapt and deploy technologies tailored to local needs.

Project head Prof Iddya Karunasagar, representing Nitte DU, said the RSVCs at Nitte and Farangipete would serve as demonstration hubs for a wide range of agriculture, energy, skill-development and assistive technologies. These include solar dryers for fruits, vegetables and crops; soil-testing solutions; power weeders and women-friendly farm tools; wind-powered devices for rural artisans; grain storage systems; grass-cutting and tree-climbing equipment; and liquid fertiliser production using cowshed waste.

SI-8 CEO Aravind C Kumar said the centres would also provide access to digital and knowledge-based platforms such as ISRO applications, government scheme portals, market linkage tools and gamified learning resources, along with assistive technologies for persons with visual impairments.

Highlighting the broader impact of the initiative, Principal Scientific Adviser Prof Ajay Kumar Sood said it demonstrated how applied research could bridge the rural–urban divide and help create self-reliant, technology-enabled villages.

The initiative has been made possible through philanthropic support from Dr NC Murthy of ACM Business Solutions, LLC, USA. Dr Sapna Poti, Director (Strategic Alliances) at the Office of the Principal Scientific Adviser, said the long-term objective is to build self-sufficient, technology-driven communities capable of generating sustainable livelihoods on their own.

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coastaldigest.com news network
January 19,2026

rizwanzameer.jpg

Bengaluru: As the dust settles on the recent legislative session, the corridors of Vidhana Soudha are buzzing with more than just policy talk. A high-stakes game of political musical chairs has begun, exposing a deepening rift within the Congress party’s Muslim leadership as a major Cabinet reshuffle looms.

With the party hierarchy signaling a "50% refresh" to gear up for the 2028 Assembly elections, the race to fill three projected Muslim ministerial berths has transformed from a strategic discussion into an all-out turf war.

The "Star Son" Spark

The internal friction turned public this week following provocative remarks by Zaid Khan, actor and son of Wakf Minister Zameer Ahmed Khan. Zaid’s claim—that his father "helped" secure a ticket for Shivajinagar MLA Rizwan Arshad in 2023—has acted as a lightning rod for resentment.

Rizwan’s camp was quick to fire back, dismissing the comment as a desperate attempt by Zameer to manufacture seniority. "Rizwan’s political pedigree was forged in the NSUI and Youth Congress long before Zameer even stepped into the party," a supporter noted, highlighting Rizwan’s tenure as an AICC secretary and his two-term presidency of the State Youth Congress.

A Tale of Two Loyalists

While both Zameer Ahmed Khan and Rizwan Arshad are staunch allies of Chief Minister Siddaramaiah and represent Bengaluru strongholds, their political DNA could not be more different:

•    Zameer Ahmed Khan: A four-time MLA who crossed over from JD(S) in 2018. Known for his "overzealous" and often polarizing outreach during communal flashpoints—from the DJ Halli riots to the recent Wakf land notice controversy—his style has frequently left the Congress high command in a state of "discomfort."

•    Rizwan Arshad: A homegrown organizational man. Seen as a "quiet performer," Arshad represents the sophisticated, moderate face of the party, preferred by those who find Zameer’s brand of politics too volatile.

The Outsiders Looking In

The bickering isn't limited to a duo. The "Beary" community, represented by leaders like N A Haris and Saleem Ahmed, is demanding its pound of flesh. Saleem Ahmed, the Chief Whip in the Legislative Council, has dropped the veil of diplomacy, openly declaring his ministerial aspirations.

"I was the only working president not included in the Cabinet last time," Saleem noted pointedly, signaling that the "loyalty quota" is no longer enough to keep the peace.

As Chief Minister Siddaramaiah prepares to finalize the list, he faces a delicate balancing act: rewarding the aggressive grassroots mobilization of Zameer’s camp without alienating the organizational stalwarts and minority sub-sects who feel increasingly sidelined by the "Chamarajpet-Shivajinagar" binary.

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News Network
January 23,2026

Karnataka Governor Thaawarchand Gehlot read only three lines from the 122-paragraph address prepared by the Congress-led state government while addressing the joint session of the Legislature on Thursday, effectively bypassing large sections critical of the BJP-led Union government.

The omitted portions of the customary Governor’s address outlined what the state government described as a “suppressive situation in economic and policy matters” under India’s federal framework. The speech also sharply criticised the Centre’s move to replace the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) with the Viksit Bharat–Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Act, commonly referred to as the VB-GRAM (G) Act.

Governor Gehlot had earlier conveyed his objection to several paragraphs that were explicitly critical of the Union government. On Thursday, he confined himself to the opening lines — “I extend a warm welcome to all of you to the joint session of the State legislature. I am extremely pleased to address this august House” — before jumping directly to the concluding sentence of the final paragraph.

He ended the address by reading the last line of paragraph 122: “Overall, my government is firmly committed to doubling the pace of the State’s economic, social and physical development. Jai Hind — Jai Karnataka.”

According to the prepared speech, the Karnataka government demanded the scrapping of the VB-GRAM (G) Act, describing it as “contractor-centric” and detrimental to rural livelihoods, and called for the full restoration of MGNREGA. The state government argued that the new law undermines decentralisation, weakens labour protections, and centralises decision-making in violation of constitutional norms.

Key points from the unread sections of the speech:

•    Karnataka facing a “suppressive” economic and policy environment within the federal system

•    Repeal of MGNREGA described as a blow to rural livelihoods

•    VB-GRAM (G) Act accused of protecting corporate and contractor interests

•    New law alleged to weaken decentralised governance

•    Decision-making said to be imposed by the Centre without consulting states

•    Rights of Adivasis, women, backward classes and agrarian communities curtailed

•    Labourers allegedly placed under contractor control

•    States facing mounting fiscal stress due to central policies

•    VB-GRAM (G) Act accused of enabling large-scale corruption

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