Was Emergency in India akin to Hitler’s Regime?

Ram Puniyani
July 9, 2018

On the eve of 43rd anniversary of the Emergency, which was imposed on the country in 1975, BJP has come out strongly condemning the event, has issued half page advertisement and Modi said that it was imposed to save the power of a family. There are claims that BJP’s parent organization RSS and its political predecessors valiantly fought against emergency. Surprisingly many streams of Indian politics, like CPI (M), shades of socialists, and sections of dissident Congress streams who fought against Emergency did not make any noise about their role. While Congress itself has not overtly criticized the act of its leader Indira Gandhi, it needs to be recalled that Mrs. Gandhi had regretted the excesses during this period in a speech in Yavatmal in 1978. Apart from Jaitly and BJP leaders there are many others also who compare the authoritarian regime and its excesses with what happened during Hitler’s fascist regime.

It’s true that during this period there was a serious violation of democratic freedoms. The similarity with Hitler’s fascist regime ends here. The main mechanism of Hitler’s regime was to instigate emotions, ntensifying divisiveness by activating the storm troopers and targeting against the racial minority; the Jews. Other characteristics of his regime were to promote the interests of big business houses and suppress the rights of working class in particular. It projected the golden past and also promoted ultra nationalism and implemented muscular foreign policy leading the soured relations with neighbors. People like Einstein left the country. The targeting of racial minorities was the central and most conspicuous part of the policy. The excesses which took place during emergency were not targeting any minority. It’s true that the pavement dwellers suffered a lot, demolitions and the compulsory vasectomy of poor sections affected Muslims as well, but it was not targeted against Muslim community in any way.

How can one say that Emergency which was authoritarianism was not fascism in any way? In fascist methods what is central to the undermining of democracy is to operate through the mechanism of mobilization of foot soldiers, whipping up mass hysteria and giving prominence to emotive issues. Let’s remember Indira Gandhi herself had lifted the Emergency and called for elections in a democratic way, elections in which she suffered a massive defeat. In Germany fascist regime destroyed Germany itself.

While a lot is being said about emergency, what was the role of RSS during this period? The claims that RSS was a central force to fight against this regime are a cock and bull story. TV Rajeswar, who served as Governor of Uttar Pradesh and Sikkim after his retirement from service, in his book, ‘India: The Crucial Years” [Harper Collins] tells us “Not only they (RSS) were supportive of this [Emergency], they wanted to establish contact apart from Mrs. Gandhi, with Sanjay Gandhi also”. Rajeswar in an interview with Karan Thapar disclosed that Deoras “quietly established a link with the PM’s house and expressed strong support for several steps taken to enforce order and discipline in the country. Deoras was keen to meet Mrs. Gandhi and Sanjay. But Mrs. Gandhi refused.”As a matter of fact the executioners of emergency excesses found good favor with BJP as it was formed after Jana Sangh component leaving the Janata Party. One recalls the emergency time slogan, “Aapatkal ke tin dalal: Sanjay, Vidya, Bansilal” (three executioners of Emergency: Sanjay, Vidya, Bansilal). Later BJP gave ticket to Vidya Charan Shukla, and allied with Bansilal to form the Government in Haryana. Sanjay Gandhi’s wife Maneka was taken in to BJP and became minister without ever condemning the excesses committed during that period.

As a matter of fact what is happening today is much more repressive though there is no official emergency. Many have labeled it as undeclared emergency. Nayantara Sahgal, who was a strong critic of Emergency, has stated very aptly that “…we have an undeclared Emergency; there is no doubt about that. We have seen a huge, massive attack on the freedom of expression.” The observation is that there are killings of innocent, helpless Indians killed because they did not fit into the RSS’s view of India. Every dissent is labeled as anti-National. She continues “Writers like Gauri Lankesh have been killed. And there has been no justice for the families of the wage earners who have lost their lives in this fashion. In fact they are now being called the accused. So we have a horrendous situation, a nightmare which is worse than the Emergency.” Similarly we know that today the dangers to civic liberties and democratic rights is through the ideologically indoctrinated foot soldiers, who have been called fringe elements, but as such they are part of a clear division of labor, working against Indian Constitution and for Hindu Nation.

The prevalence of violence against religious minorities, the intimidation, the lynching in the name of Holy cow, beef, love jihad, ghar wapasi has become a sort of New Normal of present regime. It not only goes beyond the authoritarian regime but borders on the divisive politics which is out to relegate the religious minorities to second class status in the country. While the top rulers keep quiet in cases of serious violations, the ground level vigilantes have a field day in furthering the agenda which is outcome of RSS ideology. Lately even the use of tricolor to instigate violence as witnessed in Kasgaonj is further stifling our democracy.

We need to distinguish between the authoritarian regime of Emergency where the machinery of state was used to suppress democratic rights with fascist regimes which are guided by narrow nationalism and target the minorities while pushing forward Hindu nationalism and bringing in divisions in society on sectarian grounds. Democracy is stifled in both cases, but in narrow nationalism the very concept of citizenship is denied to the sections o society on the grounds of their religion or race. And this is the crucial marker of sectarian nationalism.

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News Network
January 23,2026

Karnataka Governor Thaawarchand Gehlot read only three lines from the 122-paragraph address prepared by the Congress-led state government while addressing the joint session of the Legislature on Thursday, effectively bypassing large sections critical of the BJP-led Union government.

The omitted portions of the customary Governor’s address outlined what the state government described as a “suppressive situation in economic and policy matters” under India’s federal framework. The speech also sharply criticised the Centre’s move to replace the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) with the Viksit Bharat–Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Act, commonly referred to as the VB-GRAM (G) Act.

Governor Gehlot had earlier conveyed his objection to several paragraphs that were explicitly critical of the Union government. On Thursday, he confined himself to the opening lines — “I extend a warm welcome to all of you to the joint session of the State legislature. I am extremely pleased to address this august House” — before jumping directly to the concluding sentence of the final paragraph.

He ended the address by reading the last line of paragraph 122: “Overall, my government is firmly committed to doubling the pace of the State’s economic, social and physical development. Jai Hind — Jai Karnataka.”

According to the prepared speech, the Karnataka government demanded the scrapping of the VB-GRAM (G) Act, describing it as “contractor-centric” and detrimental to rural livelihoods, and called for the full restoration of MGNREGA. The state government argued that the new law undermines decentralisation, weakens labour protections, and centralises decision-making in violation of constitutional norms.

Key points from the unread sections of the speech:

•    Karnataka facing a “suppressive” economic and policy environment within the federal system

•    Repeal of MGNREGA described as a blow to rural livelihoods

•    VB-GRAM (G) Act accused of protecting corporate and contractor interests

•    New law alleged to weaken decentralised governance

•    Decision-making said to be imposed by the Centre without consulting states

•    Rights of Adivasis, women, backward classes and agrarian communities curtailed

•    Labourers allegedly placed under contractor control

•    States facing mounting fiscal stress due to central policies

•    VB-GRAM (G) Act accused of enabling large-scale corruption

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coastaldigest.com news network
January 19,2026

badriya.jpg

Mangaluru: The Phase I project of Badria Vision 2028 was formally launched at a ceremony held at the Badria Campus on January 17, marking an important step in the institution’s long-term development roadmap.

The programme was attended by P.B. Abdul Hameed, Secretary of the MEA, and P.C. Hasir, Correspondent of the MEA, who presided over the event and underscored the institution’s commitment to growth and academic excellence.

Office-bearers of the Badria Alumni Association were present in large numbers, including A.K. Sajid (President), Shamsuddin and S.M. Farooq (Vice-Presidents), Shaheed (General Secretary), and Khaleel (Treasurer), reflecting strong alumni engagement in the initiative.

The gathering was blessed by Sayyid Shamsuddeen Basith Thangal Kukkaje, Qateeb of Zeenat Yatheem Bakshi, who led a special dua seeking divine guidance and success for the project.

The ceremony also witnessed the participation of prominent alumnus and local corporate professional Abdul Latheef, along with alumni members Naushad, Kalandar, Safwan, members of the core committee, and several other former students.

A key moment of the event was the formal handover of a cheque to Ameen Woodland Architect, signalling the immediate commencement of construction work under Phase I of the project.

Organisers said the launch of Phase I reflects a shared vision, institutional unity, and collective resolve to realise the objectives of Badria Vision 2028.

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News Network
January 31,2026

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Bengaluru: The shooting incident involving CJ Roy, founder of the Confident Group, has once again put the spotlight on a businessman whose life has swung between flamboyant global success and persistent controversy at home.

Though Roy’s business interests extended across continents, his roots lay firmly in Karnataka. An alumnus of Christ School in Bengaluru, he later moved to Tumakuru to pursue an engineering degree. Those familiar with his early years describe him as intensely ambitious, beginning his career as a salesman at a small electronics firm dealing in computers.

Roy’s entry into large-scale real estate came through the Crystal Group, where he worked closely with Latha Namboothiri and rose from manager to director. However, the launch of the Confident Group in 2005 was clouded by industry speculation. Insiders speak of a fallout involving alleged “benami” properties and claims of deception that ultimately led to his independent venture—an episode Roy spent years trying to distance himself from, according to associates.

A tale of two cities

Roy’s professional trajectory diverged sharply across geographies.

In Dubai, he built a reputation as a bold and efficient developer, completing massive luxury residential projects in record time—some reportedly within 11 months. His rapid project delivery and lavish lifestyle in the Emirates earned him admiration and visibility in the real estate sector.

In Bengaluru, however, his image remained far more fractured. Sources say Roy stayed away from the city for several years amid disputes over unpaid dues to vendors and suppliers. Several projects were allegedly stalled, with accusations of unfulfilled commitments to cement and steel suppliers continuing to follow him.

Roy’s return to Bengaluru’s business and social circles began around 2018, marked by a conscious attempt at rebranding. His appointment as Honorary Consul of the Slovak Republic added diplomatic legitimacy, which he complemented with visible CSR initiatives, including ambulance donations and high-profile charity events.

Heavy police presence in Langford Town

Following the incident, police personnel from the Central division were deployed outside the Confident Group building in Langford Town, which also houses the Slovak Honorary Consulate in Bengaluru.

The otherwise busy premises near Hosur Road wore a deserted look on Friday, reflecting the shock and uncertainty that followed the tragedy.

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