Modi govt Refuses to Join SCO’s condemnation of Israeli Strikes on Iran – Here’s Why

News Network
June 16, 2025

New Delhi: The Narendra Modi-led government of India has declined to endorse the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation’s (SCO) condemnation of Israel’s ongoing military strikes on Iran, exposing a potential fault line within the Eurasian bloc over the rapidly escalating conflict.

While global leaders have issued urgent calls for restraint, Israel has intensified its offensive against Iran, targeting nuclear and military infrastructure in what many analysts describe as an unprecedented escalation. The latest wave of attacks, which began last Friday, has drawn condemnation from several countries — but not from the Modi government.

The renewed fighting follows two direct confrontations between Iran and Israel earlier in 2024, triggered by Israeli airstrikes on Iranian targets and retaliatory attacks from Tehran. Iran reports that recent Israeli strikes have hit residential and military zones across Tehran and other cities, killing at least 80 people — including civilians, senior commanders of the Revolutionary Guard, and prominent nuclear scientists.

On Saturday, Israeli missiles targeted oil reserves, power stations, and refineries across Iran. In response, Tehran launched a barrage of drones and missiles at Tel Aviv and Haifa, killing at least 13 and injuring many more. Simultaneously, Iran announced a pause in its nuclear negotiations with the United States.

Why Did the Modi Government Stay Silent?

The Modi administration’s refusal to participate in the SCO’s condemnation raises several critical questions: Is New Delhi quietly aligning with Israel? What geopolitical risks does this stance pose for India and the broader region?

What Did the SCO Say?

Founded in 2001, the SCO comprises China, Russia, India, Iran, Pakistan, and several Central Asian nations. Iran, the bloc’s newest member, joined in 2023 under India’s own chairmanship.

Currently chaired by China, the SCO on Saturday issued a joint statement expressing “serious concern” over the rising Israel-Iran tensions and “strongly condemning” Israeli strikes on Iranian territory. The statement called Israel’s attacks on civilian infrastructure and energy facilities “a gross violation of international law and the UN Charter,” warning that such actions threaten global peace and stability.

It further emphasized the bloc’s support for resolving the Iranian nuclear issue through peaceful, diplomatic means, and extended condolences to the Iranian government and people.

New Delhi’s Diplomatic Balancing Act

In the immediate aftermath of Israel’s strikes, Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar spoke with his Iranian counterpart, Abbas Araghchi, conveying “the deep concern of the international community” and urging restraint and a return to diplomacy. A statement from India’s Ministry of External Affairs reiterated New Delhi’s commitment to “monitoring the evolving situation” and promoting dialogue.

“India enjoys close and friendly relations with both countries and stands ready to extend all possible support,” the statement read.
However, when the SCO released its statement condemning Israel, the Modi-led government clarified that it had not participated in drafting or endorsing the declaration. “The overall position of India as stated above was communicated to other SCO members,” the Foreign Ministry said.

Analysts suggest this reflects a broader strategic calculation.

“Unlike other SCO countries, the Modi government has to juggle defence ties with Israel and economic cooperation with Iran,” said Dr. Shanthie D’Souza, a senior fellow at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst. India is Israel’s largest arms buyer and has reportedly supplied munitions to Israel during the war in Gaza. At the same time, New Delhi is investing in Iran’s Chabahar Port, a critical trade corridor to Central Asia and Afghanistan.

“India is walking a very fine line in this conflict,” D’Souza added.

Quiet Backing for Israel?

Although the Modi government hasn’t openly backed Israel, its refusal to condemn the strikes and its abstention from a recent UN General Assembly vote demanding a ceasefire in Gaza raise questions about its true alignment.

Kabir Taneja, a strategic analyst at the Observer Research Foundation, called the abstention “perplexing,” speculating that it may be linked to India’s growing ties with the United States. India is currently finalizing a trade agreement with Washington, and maintaining strategic harmony with both the US and Israel could be influencing its position.

“India’s reluctance to endorse the SCO’s statement reflects its somewhat outsider status within the bloc,” Taneja noted. “Russia and China are aligned closely with Iran, but New Delhi’s tilt toward the US-Israel axis makes such statements politically sensitive.”

US Pressure on Iran – A Strategic Setback for India?

New Delhi’s balancing act is further complicated by renewed US sanctions under the second Trump administration. These include suspending waivers that previously allowed India to develop Iran’s Chabahar Port — a key part of its regional connectivity strategy.

The port is critical to bypassing Pakistan for trade with landlocked Afghanistan and Central Asian markets. Now, Trump’s sanctions put at risk India’s multimillion-dollar investment in Chabahar and limit its options in Central Asia.

Yet India’s interest in Iran is not just economic. Iran’s geography is a strategic asset, offering India a vital corridor into regions that are central to its energy, trade, and security objectives.

By choosing not to back the SCO’s condemnation of Israel, the Modi-led government has signalled its preference for strategic autonomy — or what some might see as quiet alignment with the West and Israel. This decision may serve short-term interests, but it also risks long-term consequences for India’s role in regional diplomacy and the future cohesion of multilateral forums like the SCO.

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News Network
January 31,2026

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Bengaluru: The shooting incident involving CJ Roy, founder of the Confident Group, has once again put the spotlight on a businessman whose life has swung between flamboyant global success and persistent controversy at home.

Though Roy’s business interests extended across continents, his roots lay firmly in Karnataka. An alumnus of Christ School in Bengaluru, he later moved to Tumakuru to pursue an engineering degree. Those familiar with his early years describe him as intensely ambitious, beginning his career as a salesman at a small electronics firm dealing in computers.

Roy’s entry into large-scale real estate came through the Crystal Group, where he worked closely with Latha Namboothiri and rose from manager to director. However, the launch of the Confident Group in 2005 was clouded by industry speculation. Insiders speak of a fallout involving alleged “benami” properties and claims of deception that ultimately led to his independent venture—an episode Roy spent years trying to distance himself from, according to associates.

A tale of two cities

Roy’s professional trajectory diverged sharply across geographies.

In Dubai, he built a reputation as a bold and efficient developer, completing massive luxury residential projects in record time—some reportedly within 11 months. His rapid project delivery and lavish lifestyle in the Emirates earned him admiration and visibility in the real estate sector.

In Bengaluru, however, his image remained far more fractured. Sources say Roy stayed away from the city for several years amid disputes over unpaid dues to vendors and suppliers. Several projects were allegedly stalled, with accusations of unfulfilled commitments to cement and steel suppliers continuing to follow him.

Roy’s return to Bengaluru’s business and social circles began around 2018, marked by a conscious attempt at rebranding. His appointment as Honorary Consul of the Slovak Republic added diplomatic legitimacy, which he complemented with visible CSR initiatives, including ambulance donations and high-profile charity events.

Heavy police presence in Langford Town

Following the incident, police personnel from the Central division were deployed outside the Confident Group building in Langford Town, which also houses the Slovak Honorary Consulate in Bengaluru.

The otherwise busy premises near Hosur Road wore a deserted look on Friday, reflecting the shock and uncertainty that followed the tragedy.

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News Network
January 28,2026

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Mumbai: The sudden death of Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar in a plane crash in his hometown of Baramati has plunged the state into political uncertainty, raising a pressing question for both the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and its rival faction, the Nationalist Congress Party (Sharadchandra Pawar): what next?

For the two factions that emerged after the dramatic split of June–July 2023, the moment marks their gravest challenge yet. Many believe the answer now rests with party founder Sharad Pawar.

Sharad Pawar, who founded the NCP in 1999 after parting ways with the Congress over Sonia Gandhi’s foreign origin, has already indicated his intention to step away from electoral politics once his Rajya Sabha term ends in April 2026.

Speaking at a public event in Baramati ahead of his 85th birthday on December 12, 2025, Pawar said he would not contest any further elections. “I have contested 14 elections. The younger generation needs to be given an opportunity,” he said, adding that he would decide later whether to seek another Rajya Sabha term.

Often described as the Bhishma Pitamah of Indian politics, Pawar also spoke of his gradual withdrawal from active leadership. “For the first 30 years, I handled everything. For the next 25–30 years, Ajit Dada handled responsibilities. Now, arrangements must be made for new leadership,” he said.

Ajit Pawar’s death has dramatically altered that transition, especially as he was working towards reunifying the two NCP factions.

“After the developments of June–July 2023 and the 2024 Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections, there were deep changes within the family and the party. In the last six months, serious efforts were made to reunite. Even workers from both sides wanted unity. This is a massive blow,” a Pawar family insider told DH over phone from Baramati.

Electoral outcomes over the past year reflected the split. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, NCP (SP) recorded the best strike rate in Maharashtra, winning eight of the 10 seats it contested. The NCP, by contrast, won just one seat out of four.

However, the trend reversed in the subsequent Vidhan Sabha elections, where the NCP emerged stronger, securing 41 of the 288 seats, while NCP (SP) managed only 10.

Within NCP (SP), Sharad Pawar’s daughter Supriya Sule serves as Working President, followed by leaders such as Rohit Pawar, state president Shashikant Shinde and former state chief Jayant Patil.

In the NCP, Praful Patel is the Working President and Raigad MP Sunil Tatkare heads the state unit. Ajit Pawar’s wife, Sunetra Pawar, is a Rajya Sabha MP, while their sons Parth and Jay are not actively involved in day-to-day politics. Parth Pawar briefly entered electoral politics in 2019 but lost the Lok Sabha election from Maval. Jay Pawar’s political debut was under consideration.

With Ajit Pawar gone, speculation has intensified that a member of the family may be asked to assume a larger role. For now, Sunetra Pawar is expected to play a key coordinating role in party affairs, alongside Patel and Tatkare.

The NCP continues to have several heavyweight leaders, including Chhagan Bhujbal, Hasan Mushrif, Dattatreya Bharne, Manikrao Kokate and Dhananjay Munde.

Ajit Pawar had already begun steps towards reconciliation between the two factions. While they contested the Pune and Pimpri-Chinchwad municipal elections separately, they later decided to fight the zilla parishad elections together under the ‘clock’ symbol—seen as the first formal step towards reunification.

Nagpur meet and party roadmap

Both NCP factions claim adherence to the ideology of ‘Shiv–Shahu–Phule–Ambedkar’. At the Rashtravadi Chintan Shivir held in Nagpur on September 19, 2025, the NCP reaffirmed its commitment to sarva dharma sambhav and discussed strengthening ties with the BJP “for the welfare and development of Maharashtra”.

In recent days, reports had suggested Ajit Pawar might return to the Maha Vikas Aghadi following the party’s poor performance in Pune municipal elections, but these claims were denied.

Big question for Maha Yuti

Ajit Pawar’s death also presents an immediate challenge for the Devendra Fadnavis-led Maha Yuti government. Pawar held crucial portfolios, including Finance, Planning and Excise. With the Budget Session approaching, appointing a new Finance Minister has become urgent.

Beyond numbers and portfolios, Maha Yuti has lost a swift decision-maker known for his administrative grip and political finesse—leaving a vacuum that will not be easy to fill.

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News Network
January 19,2026

New Delhi: Setting speculation to the rest, the CPI(M) has made it clear that it is open to have an electoral understanding with the Congress “to defeat” the Trinamool Congress and the BJP in West Bengal Assembly election even as it is all set to take on the grand old party in Kerala accusing it of “found wanting” in fighting the Hindutva forces.

The CPI(M) also said that it will contest the Tamil Nadu election “with DMK and its allies to defeat the BJP and its allies”, amid a section in the Congress triggering confusion about its participation in the M K Stalin-led coalition over demand over power-sharing and more seats. It is also willing to join hands with Congress and others in Assam and Puducherry to defeat the BJP.

The decisions came at a three-day meeting of the CPI(M) Central Committee in Thiruvananthapuram, which ended on Sunday after reviewing the poll preparations in the poll-bound states.

The CPI(M)'s decision came even as a section led by West Bengal Congress president Subhankar Sarkar is averse to tying up with the Left Front, claiming that their party is not benefitted by the electoral understanding. Both Congress and CPI(M)-led Left Front had electoral understanding in 2016 and 2021 Assembly elections and 2024 Lok Sabha polls.

Congress and the Left Front fought together for the first time in 2016 when Congress won 44 seats and the CPI(M) got 26. In 2021, the Left Front and the Congress drew a blank. In the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, Congress managed to win one seat while the Left did not win any. In the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, both fought against each other with Congress winning two and the Left none.

“In Bengal, the party will work for the defeat of both the TMC and the BJP, which are trying to polarise the society. We will try to rally all the forces that are ready to work against them,” the CPI(M) said in a statement without naming Congress by name. Senior leaders said there is no change in its strategy of pooling all non-BJP, non-TMC votes.

However, the party was critical of the Congress in Kerala where both will fight against each other.

The CPI(M) said it would "expose the BJP-led Union government’s denial of rightful dues to Kerala, the fiscal constraints imposed and the overall attack on federalism" as also "expose the failure of the Congress to effectively counter this attack on federalism, as the largest opposition party in the Parliament".

"The Congress, especially in Kerala, was found wanting in the fight against communal RSS-BJP, ideologically and this will also be exposed before the people," it added.

In Assam, it said, the CPI(M) will work for the mobilisation of all the anti-BJP parties and forces and defeat the rabidly communal and divisive BJP government. The Left parties are cooperating with Congress in the north-eastern state. In Puducherry, it said it will work for the defeat of the BJP alliance government.

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