New norms for schools as SC backs Right to Education

April 13, 2012

SC

New Delhi, April 13: With the Supreme Court throwing its full weight behind the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009, (better known as the Right to Education Act or RTE Act) on Thursday, the composition of students in schools as well as the economics of running schools will undergo dramatic changes.

The apex court upheld the constitutional validity of the Act and directed all schools, including privately-run schools, irrespective of the board they are affiliated to, to admit from this academic year (2012-13) at least 25% students from socially and economically backward families. These students will be guaranteed free education from class I till they reach the age of 14.

This means the nature of the classroom will change. Until now, several schools were holding a separate shift for students from poor families after the main school was over. Under the RTE Act, they will have to induct these students in the main class - in other words, 25% of every class will have students from socially and economically disadvantaged families.

While many educationists feel the resultant social integration will make education more meaningful, the reaction of some expensive schools as well as of some parents hasn't been positive. Also, the need to give free education to 25% students is expected to increase the expenditure of schools, which is likely to lead to another round of fee hikes.

The schools will get a subsidy from the government for giving free education (65% of the subsidy will come from the Centre and 35% from states), but the subsidy is not expected to meet the full cost. The government subsidy will be based on the expenditure per student in government schools or Kendriya Vidyalayas, while many private schools spend (or at least, charge as fee) much more.

According to estimates, the government spends Rs 3,000 per child per year for primary education. The Centre has given states the freedom to implement its own grants and aids, but many states are financially broke and the grants vary from state to state. For instance, Delhi gives about Rs 1,200 per child per month, while Haryana doesn't give any aid to schools. Some educationists said that now private schools would have to hike fees as 75% of the class would have to pay for the 25% students admitted under the RTE Act.

Reacting to the Supreme Court order, HRD minister Kapil Sibal said, "I am very happy that the court has set all controversies at rest. One of the biggest controversies was on whether the 25% reservation applies to private schools or not... that controversy has been set to rest."

The court has, however, sought a clarification from the government on applicability of RTE Act to boarding schools and orphanages as the legislation applied only to day scholars. "To put the matter beyond doubt, we recommend that appropriate guidelines be issued under Section 35 of the 2009 Act clarifying the above position," the bench headed by Chief Justice S H Kapadia said.

According to 2007-08 statistics quoted by the Supreme Court, out of the 12,50,755 schools imparting elementary education in India, 80.2% were government run, 5.8% private aided and 13.1% private unaided. Of these, 87.2% of the schools were located in rural areas.

According to RTE activist Kiran Bhatty, former national coordinator for the monitoring of the RTE, several violations had cropped up recently, including non-compliance of the 25% quota for economically weaker sections. Other violations included running two shifts instead of integrating students in the class and conducting admission tests.

While National University of Planning and Administration's vice chancellor R Govinda did not rule out initial "turmoil", he said some "restructuring" on the part of government and private schools was necessary. He added that there was an increasing "ghettoisation of schools" that will now be discouraged. "The full impact will be seen in 7-8 years when the composition of the student community will change," he said.

Madarsas and institutions of vedic learning will continue to be outside the ambit of the Act as the HRD ministry has declared them as institutions of religious instruction rather than educational institutions as described under the RTE.

WILL FEES RISE?

What is RTE?

Free school education up to age of 14 for students from socially & economically backward families

Does RTE apply to all schools?

Yes, even private, convent schools, irrespective of the board. Only madrasas & Vedic schools exempt

What age group does RTE apply to?

To children from age 6 to 14, or from Class 1 to 8

Will there be a fee hike?

Most probably as govt subsidy won't meet full cost of providing free education to 25% students

Will students from poor families be in same classroom?

Yes. RTE says these students must be integrated in the main classroom

Can teachers hold private tuitions?

RTE says that no teacher can take private tuitions

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News Network
January 23,2026

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Prime Minister Narendra Modi, during his visit to Thiruvananthapuram on Friday, January 23, indicated that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is aiming to expand its political footprint in Kerala ahead of the Assembly elections scheduled in the coming months.

Speaking at a BJP-organised public meeting, Modi drew parallels between the party’s early electoral gains in Gujarat and its recent victory in the Thiruvananthapuram Municipal Corporation. The civic body win, which ended decades of Left control, was cited by the Prime Minister as a possible starting point for the party’s broader ambitions in the state.

Recalling BJP’s political trajectory in Gujarat, Modi said the party was largely insignificant before 1987 and received little media attention. He pointed out that the BJP’s first major breakthrough came with its victory in the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation that year.

“Just as our journey in Gujarat began with one city, Kerala’s journey has also started with a single city,” Modi said, suggesting that the party’s municipal-level success could translate into wider electoral acceptance.

The Prime Minister alleged that successive governments led by the Left Democratic Front (LDF) and the United Democratic Front (UDF) had failed to adequately develop Thiruvananthapuram. He accused both fronts of corruption and neglect, claiming that basic infrastructure and facilities were denied to the capital city for decades.

According to Modi, the BJP’s control of the civic body represents a shift driven by public dissatisfaction with the existing political alternatives. He asserted that the BJP administration in Thiruvananthapuram had begun working towards development, though no specific details or timelines were outlined.

Addressing the gathering at Putharikandam Maidan, Modi said the BJP intended to project Thiruvananthapuram as a “model city,” reiterating his party’s commitment to governance-led change.

The Prime Minister’s visit to Kerala also included the inauguration of several development projects and the flagging off of new train services, as the BJP intensifies its political outreach in the poll-bound state.

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News Network
January 28,2026

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Mumbai: The sudden death of Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar in a plane crash in his hometown of Baramati has plunged the state into political uncertainty, raising a pressing question for both the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and its rival faction, the Nationalist Congress Party (Sharadchandra Pawar): what next?

For the two factions that emerged after the dramatic split of June–July 2023, the moment marks their gravest challenge yet. Many believe the answer now rests with party founder Sharad Pawar.

Sharad Pawar, who founded the NCP in 1999 after parting ways with the Congress over Sonia Gandhi’s foreign origin, has already indicated his intention to step away from electoral politics once his Rajya Sabha term ends in April 2026.

Speaking at a public event in Baramati ahead of his 85th birthday on December 12, 2025, Pawar said he would not contest any further elections. “I have contested 14 elections. The younger generation needs to be given an opportunity,” he said, adding that he would decide later whether to seek another Rajya Sabha term.

Often described as the Bhishma Pitamah of Indian politics, Pawar also spoke of his gradual withdrawal from active leadership. “For the first 30 years, I handled everything. For the next 25–30 years, Ajit Dada handled responsibilities. Now, arrangements must be made for new leadership,” he said.

Ajit Pawar’s death has dramatically altered that transition, especially as he was working towards reunifying the two NCP factions.

“After the developments of June–July 2023 and the 2024 Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections, there were deep changes within the family and the party. In the last six months, serious efforts were made to reunite. Even workers from both sides wanted unity. This is a massive blow,” a Pawar family insider told DH over phone from Baramati.

Electoral outcomes over the past year reflected the split. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, NCP (SP) recorded the best strike rate in Maharashtra, winning eight of the 10 seats it contested. The NCP, by contrast, won just one seat out of four.

However, the trend reversed in the subsequent Vidhan Sabha elections, where the NCP emerged stronger, securing 41 of the 288 seats, while NCP (SP) managed only 10.

Within NCP (SP), Sharad Pawar’s daughter Supriya Sule serves as Working President, followed by leaders such as Rohit Pawar, state president Shashikant Shinde and former state chief Jayant Patil.

In the NCP, Praful Patel is the Working President and Raigad MP Sunil Tatkare heads the state unit. Ajit Pawar’s wife, Sunetra Pawar, is a Rajya Sabha MP, while their sons Parth and Jay are not actively involved in day-to-day politics. Parth Pawar briefly entered electoral politics in 2019 but lost the Lok Sabha election from Maval. Jay Pawar’s political debut was under consideration.

With Ajit Pawar gone, speculation has intensified that a member of the family may be asked to assume a larger role. For now, Sunetra Pawar is expected to play a key coordinating role in party affairs, alongside Patel and Tatkare.

The NCP continues to have several heavyweight leaders, including Chhagan Bhujbal, Hasan Mushrif, Dattatreya Bharne, Manikrao Kokate and Dhananjay Munde.

Ajit Pawar had already begun steps towards reconciliation between the two factions. While they contested the Pune and Pimpri-Chinchwad municipal elections separately, they later decided to fight the zilla parishad elections together under the ‘clock’ symbol—seen as the first formal step towards reunification.

Nagpur meet and party roadmap

Both NCP factions claim adherence to the ideology of ‘Shiv–Shahu–Phule–Ambedkar’. At the Rashtravadi Chintan Shivir held in Nagpur on September 19, 2025, the NCP reaffirmed its commitment to sarva dharma sambhav and discussed strengthening ties with the BJP “for the welfare and development of Maharashtra”.

In recent days, reports had suggested Ajit Pawar might return to the Maha Vikas Aghadi following the party’s poor performance in Pune municipal elections, but these claims were denied.

Big question for Maha Yuti

Ajit Pawar’s death also presents an immediate challenge for the Devendra Fadnavis-led Maha Yuti government. Pawar held crucial portfolios, including Finance, Planning and Excise. With the Budget Session approaching, appointing a new Finance Minister has become urgent.

Beyond numbers and portfolios, Maha Yuti has lost a swift decision-maker known for his administrative grip and political finesse—leaving a vacuum that will not be easy to fill.

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