A decade after junta’s end, Myanmar's military back in control

Agencies
February 2, 2021

Burma, Feb 2: The man installed by army leaders as Myanmar's president after Monday's military coup is best known abroad for his role in the crackdown on 2007 pro-democracy protests and for his ties to still-powerful military leaders.

Myint Swe was the army-appointed vice president when he was named on Monday to take over after the military arrested civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other leaders of her party.

Immediately after he was named president, Myint Swe handed power to the country's top military commander, Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing.

Under Myanmar's 2008 constitution, the president can hand power to the military commander in cases of emergency. That is one of many ways the military is assured of keeping ultimate control of the country.

Min Aung Hlaing, 64, has been commander of the armed forces since 2011 and is due to retire soon. That would clear the way for him to take a civilian leadership role if the junta holds elections in a year's time as promised. The military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party's humiliating loss in last November's elections would likely have precluded that. The military justified the coup by saying the government failed to address claims of election fraud.

"It seems there has been the realisation that Min Aung Hlaing's retirement is coming and he is expected to move into a senior role," said Gerard McCarthy, a postdoctoral fellow at the Asia Research Institute. "The fact that the USDP could not deliver that sparked a realisation that the system itself is not designed to create the outcomes that they expected." The US government in 2019 put Min Aung Hlaing on a blacklist on grounds of engaging in "serious human rights abuse" for leading army troops in security operations in Myanmar's northwestern Rakhine region.

International human rights investigators say the military conducted what amounted to ethnic cleansing operations that prompted some 700,000 members of the Rohingya minority to flee, burning people out of their homes and committing other atrocities.

In 2017, Myint Swe led an investigation that denied such allegations, saying the military acted "lawfully". In 2019, the US Treasury Department froze Min Aung Hlaing's US-based assets and banned doing business with him and three other Myanmar military leaders. Earlier, it banned him from visiting the United States. Min Aung Hlaing also was among more than a dozen Myanmar officials removed from Facebook in 2018. His Twitter account also was closed.

Myint Swe, now elevated to president, formerly was among military leaders included in an earlier Treasury Department list of sanctioned Myanmar officials and business figures. That designation was removed in 2016 as the US government sought to support the country's economic development after nearly a half decade of reforms.

Myint Swe, 69, is a close ally of former junta leader Than Shwe, who stepped down to allow the transition to a quasi-civilian government beginning in 2011.

That transition eventually allowed Myanmar to escape the international sanctions that had isolated the regime for years, hindering foreign investment. It also enabled Myanmar's leaders to counterbalance Chinese influence with support from other governments. But with the coup, Beijing may well end up with still more sway over the country's economy.

Myint Swe is a former chief minister of Yangon, Myanmar's biggest city, and for years headed its regional military command. During the 2007 monk-led popular protests known internationally as the Saffron Revolution, he took charge of restoring order in Yangon after weeks of unrest in a crackdown that killed dozens of people. Hundreds were arrested.

Though he has not had a very high international profile, Myint Swe has played a key role in the military and politics. In 2002, he participated in the arrest of family members of former dictator Ne Win, Myanmar media reports say.

Myint Swe arrested former Gen. Khin Nyunt at Yangon Airport during the 2004 purge of the former prime minister and his supporters. Soon afterward, Myint Swe assumed command of the former military regime's sprawling military intelligence apparatus.

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News Network
January 20,2026

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Iranian security and intelligence forces have captured more than 470 individuals in three provinces, identified as key figures behind the recent wave of violent unrest and terrorist activities linked to foreign-backed networks.

The Intelligence Ministry's provincial office in Khorasan Razavi announced on Monday the arrest of 192 armed terrorists, identified as the main agents behind recent riots in the region. 

According to an official statement, the detainees were involved in the killing of several security personnel and civilians, setting fire to mosques, public service facilities, and buses, as well as attacks on military and law enforcement centers.

The seized items from the group include several bulletproof vests, Kalashnikov rifles, hunting weapons, Winchester rifles, and various cold weapons such as daggers, swords, brass knuckles, tactical knives, crossbows, and chains.

Evidence indicates that some of the individuals were tied to hostile movements and terrorist organizations, with links overseas. Others were identified as members of violent criminal gangs, actively taking part in the unrest alongside their associates.

Simultaneously, in the western province of Lorestan, the IRGC announced the arrest of 134 individuals as the main leaders and influential field agents of a US-Israeli terrorist network.

The IRGC statement stated that these individuals formed terrorist cells during the recent unrest, committing "Daesh-like" acts.

They wounded security forces with firearms and cold weapons, and burned and destroyed public and private properties, including mosques, shops, banks, and private and public vehicles.

In the northwestern province of Zanjan, the police reported detaining 150 people identified as principal leaders and agents behind recent riots.

Authorities noted that these individuals were responsible for destroying public and private property and intentionally setting fire to vehicles in the province's squares.

Their crimes include shedding the blood of innocent people, destroying public and private property, attempting to enter military sites, disrupting public order, and spreading terror among citizens.

A variety of cold weapons were reportedly seized from the detainees.

What began late last month as peaceful protests over economic hardship across Iran turned violent after public statements by US and Israeli regime figures encouraged vandalism and disorder.

During the unrest, foreign-backed mercenaries rampaged through cities, killing security forces and civilians and damaging public property.

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coastaldigest.com news network
January 19,2026

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Bengaluru: As the dust settles on the recent legislative session, the corridors of Vidhana Soudha are buzzing with more than just policy talk. A high-stakes game of political musical chairs has begun, exposing a deepening rift within the Congress party’s Muslim leadership as a major Cabinet reshuffle looms.

With the party hierarchy signaling a "50% refresh" to gear up for the 2028 Assembly elections, the race to fill three projected Muslim ministerial berths has transformed from a strategic discussion into an all-out turf war.

The "Star Son" Spark

The internal friction turned public this week following provocative remarks by Zaid Khan, actor and son of Wakf Minister Zameer Ahmed Khan. Zaid’s claim—that his father "helped" secure a ticket for Shivajinagar MLA Rizwan Arshad in 2023—has acted as a lightning rod for resentment.

Rizwan’s camp was quick to fire back, dismissing the comment as a desperate attempt by Zameer to manufacture seniority. "Rizwan’s political pedigree was forged in the NSUI and Youth Congress long before Zameer even stepped into the party," a supporter noted, highlighting Rizwan’s tenure as an AICC secretary and his two-term presidency of the State Youth Congress.

A Tale of Two Loyalists

While both Zameer Ahmed Khan and Rizwan Arshad are staunch allies of Chief Minister Siddaramaiah and represent Bengaluru strongholds, their political DNA could not be more different:

•    Zameer Ahmed Khan: A four-time MLA who crossed over from JD(S) in 2018. Known for his "overzealous" and often polarizing outreach during communal flashpoints—from the DJ Halli riots to the recent Wakf land notice controversy—his style has frequently left the Congress high command in a state of "discomfort."

•    Rizwan Arshad: A homegrown organizational man. Seen as a "quiet performer," Arshad represents the sophisticated, moderate face of the party, preferred by those who find Zameer’s brand of politics too volatile.

The Outsiders Looking In

The bickering isn't limited to a duo. The "Beary" community, represented by leaders like N A Haris and Saleem Ahmed, is demanding its pound of flesh. Saleem Ahmed, the Chief Whip in the Legislative Council, has dropped the veil of diplomacy, openly declaring his ministerial aspirations.

"I was the only working president not included in the Cabinet last time," Saleem noted pointedly, signaling that the "loyalty quota" is no longer enough to keep the peace.

As Chief Minister Siddaramaiah prepares to finalize the list, he faces a delicate balancing act: rewarding the aggressive grassroots mobilization of Zameer’s camp without alienating the organizational stalwarts and minority sub-sects who feel increasingly sidelined by the "Chamarajpet-Shivajinagar" binary.

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News Network
February 1,2026

Bengaluru, Feb 1: For travelers landing at Kempegowda International Airport (KIA), the sleek, wood-paneled curves of Terminal 2 promise a world-class welcome. But the famed “Garden City” charm quickly withers at the curb. As India’s aviation sector swells to record numbers—handling over 43 million passengers in Bengaluru alone this past year—the “last mile” has turned into a marathon of frustration.

The Bengaluru Logjam: Rules vs Reality

While the city awaits the 2027 completion of the Namma Metro Blue Line, the interim has been chaotic. Recent “decongestion” rules at Terminal 1 have pushed app-based cab pickups to distant parking zones, forcing weary passengers into a 20-minute walk with luggage.

“I landed after ten months away and felt like a stranger in my own city,” says Ruchitha Jain, a Koramangala resident. “My driver couldn’t find me, staff couldn’t guide me, and the so-called ‘Premium’ lane is just a fancy tax on convenience.”

•    The Cost of Distance: A 40-km cab ride can now easily cross ₹1,500, driven by demand pricing and airport surcharges.

•    The Bus Gap: While Vayu Vajra remains a lifeline, its ₹300–₹400 fare is often cited as the most expensive airport bus service in the country.

A National Pattern of Disconnect

The struggle is not unique to Karnataka. From Chennai’s coast to Hyderabad’s plateau, India’s airports tell a familiar story: brilliant runways, broken exits.

City:    Primary Issue   |    Recent Development

Bengaluru:    Cab pickup restrictions & distance  |    App-based taxis shifted to far parking zones; long walks and fare spikes reported

Chennai:    Multi-Level Parking (MLCP) hike  |    Passengers report 40-minute walks to reach cab pickup points

Hyderabad:    “Taxi mafia” & touting  |    Over 440 touting cases reported; security presence intensified

Mumbai:    Fare scams  |     Tourists charged ₹18,000 for just 400 metres, triggering police action

In Hyderabad, travelers continue to battle entrenched local groups that intimidate Uber and Ola drivers, pushing passengers toward overpriced private taxis. Chennai flyers, meanwhile, complain that reaching the designated pickup zones now takes longer than short-haul flights from cities like Coimbatore.

The ‘Budget Day’ Hope

As Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman presents the Union Budget 2026 today, the aviation sector is watching closely. With the government’s renewed emphasis on multimodal integration, there is cautious hope for funding toward seamless airport-metro-bus hubs.

The vision is clear: a future where planes, trains, and metros speak the same language. Until then, passengers at KIA—and airports across India—will continue to discover that the hardest part of flying isn’t the thousands of kilometres in the air, but the last few on the ground.

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