Modi govt Refuses to Join SCO’s condemnation of Israeli Strikes on Iran – Here’s Why

News Network
June 16, 2025

New Delhi: The Narendra Modi-led government of India has declined to endorse the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation’s (SCO) condemnation of Israel’s ongoing military strikes on Iran, exposing a potential fault line within the Eurasian bloc over the rapidly escalating conflict.

While global leaders have issued urgent calls for restraint, Israel has intensified its offensive against Iran, targeting nuclear and military infrastructure in what many analysts describe as an unprecedented escalation. The latest wave of attacks, which began last Friday, has drawn condemnation from several countries — but not from the Modi government.

The renewed fighting follows two direct confrontations between Iran and Israel earlier in 2024, triggered by Israeli airstrikes on Iranian targets and retaliatory attacks from Tehran. Iran reports that recent Israeli strikes have hit residential and military zones across Tehran and other cities, killing at least 80 people — including civilians, senior commanders of the Revolutionary Guard, and prominent nuclear scientists.

On Saturday, Israeli missiles targeted oil reserves, power stations, and refineries across Iran. In response, Tehran launched a barrage of drones and missiles at Tel Aviv and Haifa, killing at least 13 and injuring many more. Simultaneously, Iran announced a pause in its nuclear negotiations with the United States.

Why Did the Modi Government Stay Silent?

The Modi administration’s refusal to participate in the SCO’s condemnation raises several critical questions: Is New Delhi quietly aligning with Israel? What geopolitical risks does this stance pose for India and the broader region?

What Did the SCO Say?

Founded in 2001, the SCO comprises China, Russia, India, Iran, Pakistan, and several Central Asian nations. Iran, the bloc’s newest member, joined in 2023 under India’s own chairmanship.

Currently chaired by China, the SCO on Saturday issued a joint statement expressing “serious concern” over the rising Israel-Iran tensions and “strongly condemning” Israeli strikes on Iranian territory. The statement called Israel’s attacks on civilian infrastructure and energy facilities “a gross violation of international law and the UN Charter,” warning that such actions threaten global peace and stability.

It further emphasized the bloc’s support for resolving the Iranian nuclear issue through peaceful, diplomatic means, and extended condolences to the Iranian government and people.

New Delhi’s Diplomatic Balancing Act

In the immediate aftermath of Israel’s strikes, Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar spoke with his Iranian counterpart, Abbas Araghchi, conveying “the deep concern of the international community” and urging restraint and a return to diplomacy. A statement from India’s Ministry of External Affairs reiterated New Delhi’s commitment to “monitoring the evolving situation” and promoting dialogue.

“India enjoys close and friendly relations with both countries and stands ready to extend all possible support,” the statement read.
However, when the SCO released its statement condemning Israel, the Modi-led government clarified that it had not participated in drafting or endorsing the declaration. “The overall position of India as stated above was communicated to other SCO members,” the Foreign Ministry said.

Analysts suggest this reflects a broader strategic calculation.

“Unlike other SCO countries, the Modi government has to juggle defence ties with Israel and economic cooperation with Iran,” said Dr. Shanthie D’Souza, a senior fellow at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst. India is Israel’s largest arms buyer and has reportedly supplied munitions to Israel during the war in Gaza. At the same time, New Delhi is investing in Iran’s Chabahar Port, a critical trade corridor to Central Asia and Afghanistan.

“India is walking a very fine line in this conflict,” D’Souza added.

Quiet Backing for Israel?

Although the Modi government hasn’t openly backed Israel, its refusal to condemn the strikes and its abstention from a recent UN General Assembly vote demanding a ceasefire in Gaza raise questions about its true alignment.

Kabir Taneja, a strategic analyst at the Observer Research Foundation, called the abstention “perplexing,” speculating that it may be linked to India’s growing ties with the United States. India is currently finalizing a trade agreement with Washington, and maintaining strategic harmony with both the US and Israel could be influencing its position.

“India’s reluctance to endorse the SCO’s statement reflects its somewhat outsider status within the bloc,” Taneja noted. “Russia and China are aligned closely with Iran, but New Delhi’s tilt toward the US-Israel axis makes such statements politically sensitive.”

US Pressure on Iran – A Strategic Setback for India?

New Delhi’s balancing act is further complicated by renewed US sanctions under the second Trump administration. These include suspending waivers that previously allowed India to develop Iran’s Chabahar Port — a key part of its regional connectivity strategy.

The port is critical to bypassing Pakistan for trade with landlocked Afghanistan and Central Asian markets. Now, Trump’s sanctions put at risk India’s multimillion-dollar investment in Chabahar and limit its options in Central Asia.

Yet India’s interest in Iran is not just economic. Iran’s geography is a strategic asset, offering India a vital corridor into regions that are central to its energy, trade, and security objectives.

By choosing not to back the SCO’s condemnation of Israel, the Modi-led government has signalled its preference for strategic autonomy — or what some might see as quiet alignment with the West and Israel. This decision may serve short-term interests, but it also risks long-term consequences for India’s role in regional diplomacy and the future cohesion of multilateral forums like the SCO.

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News Network
February 1,2026

US President Donald Trump on Saturday claimed that the government of India led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi has made a deal to buy Venezuelan oil, as opposed to purchasing it from Iran.

"We've already made that deal, the concept of the deal," he told reporters on Air Force One.

Trump had imposed 25% tariffs on countries buying Venezuelan oil, including India, in March 2025. He had also hit India with tariffs for buying Russian oil, saying it was "funding" President Vladimir Putin's war against Ukraine.

Trump has said that the US has taken control of the oil-rich Venezuela after capturing former President Nicolas Maduro in January.

A fleet of 18 ships loaded with crude oil bound for refineries in Texas, Louisiana, and Mississippi in January, the most since December 2024, according to a report by the news agency Bloomberg.

Combined crude deliveries to the US will reach about 2,75,000 barrels a day, more than doubling volumes seen in December last year. Shipments to China, which averaged 4,00,000 barrels a day last year, fell to zero in January.

PM Modi, Venezuelan President Agree To Expand Ties

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Venezuela's acting President Delcy Rodriguez spoke on Friday and agreed to take the bilateral relations to "new heights" in the years ahead.

It was the first phone call between the two leaders since the capture of Maduro and his wife by the US on January 3.

"Spoke with Acting President of Venezuela, Ms. Delcy Rodriguez. We agreed to further deepen and expand our bilateral partnership in all areas, with a shared vision of taking India-Venezuela relations to new heights in the years ahead," PM Modi said in a post on X.

A statement from Prime Minister Modi's office said the two leaders agreed to further expand and deepen the India-Venezuela partnership in all areas, including trade and investment, energy, digital technology, health, agriculture, and people-to-people ties.

They exchanged views on various regional and global issues of mutual interest and underscored the importance of their close cooperation for the Global South, the statement said.

Rodriguez also said that they discussed partnerships in the fields of agriculture, science and technology, mining, and tourism, as well as the pharmaceutical and automotive industries.

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News Network
January 28,2026

ajit.jpg

Mumbai: The sudden death of Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar in a plane crash in his hometown of Baramati has plunged the state into political uncertainty, raising a pressing question for both the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and its rival faction, the Nationalist Congress Party (Sharadchandra Pawar): what next?

For the two factions that emerged after the dramatic split of June–July 2023, the moment marks their gravest challenge yet. Many believe the answer now rests with party founder Sharad Pawar.

Sharad Pawar, who founded the NCP in 1999 after parting ways with the Congress over Sonia Gandhi’s foreign origin, has already indicated his intention to step away from electoral politics once his Rajya Sabha term ends in April 2026.

Speaking at a public event in Baramati ahead of his 85th birthday on December 12, 2025, Pawar said he would not contest any further elections. “I have contested 14 elections. The younger generation needs to be given an opportunity,” he said, adding that he would decide later whether to seek another Rajya Sabha term.

Often described as the Bhishma Pitamah of Indian politics, Pawar also spoke of his gradual withdrawal from active leadership. “For the first 30 years, I handled everything. For the next 25–30 years, Ajit Dada handled responsibilities. Now, arrangements must be made for new leadership,” he said.

Ajit Pawar’s death has dramatically altered that transition, especially as he was working towards reunifying the two NCP factions.

“After the developments of June–July 2023 and the 2024 Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections, there were deep changes within the family and the party. In the last six months, serious efforts were made to reunite. Even workers from both sides wanted unity. This is a massive blow,” a Pawar family insider told DH over phone from Baramati.

Electoral outcomes over the past year reflected the split. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, NCP (SP) recorded the best strike rate in Maharashtra, winning eight of the 10 seats it contested. The NCP, by contrast, won just one seat out of four.

However, the trend reversed in the subsequent Vidhan Sabha elections, where the NCP emerged stronger, securing 41 of the 288 seats, while NCP (SP) managed only 10.

Within NCP (SP), Sharad Pawar’s daughter Supriya Sule serves as Working President, followed by leaders such as Rohit Pawar, state president Shashikant Shinde and former state chief Jayant Patil.

In the NCP, Praful Patel is the Working President and Raigad MP Sunil Tatkare heads the state unit. Ajit Pawar’s wife, Sunetra Pawar, is a Rajya Sabha MP, while their sons Parth and Jay are not actively involved in day-to-day politics. Parth Pawar briefly entered electoral politics in 2019 but lost the Lok Sabha election from Maval. Jay Pawar’s political debut was under consideration.

With Ajit Pawar gone, speculation has intensified that a member of the family may be asked to assume a larger role. For now, Sunetra Pawar is expected to play a key coordinating role in party affairs, alongside Patel and Tatkare.

The NCP continues to have several heavyweight leaders, including Chhagan Bhujbal, Hasan Mushrif, Dattatreya Bharne, Manikrao Kokate and Dhananjay Munde.

Ajit Pawar had already begun steps towards reconciliation between the two factions. While they contested the Pune and Pimpri-Chinchwad municipal elections separately, they later decided to fight the zilla parishad elections together under the ‘clock’ symbol—seen as the first formal step towards reunification.

Nagpur meet and party roadmap

Both NCP factions claim adherence to the ideology of ‘Shiv–Shahu–Phule–Ambedkar’. At the Rashtravadi Chintan Shivir held in Nagpur on September 19, 2025, the NCP reaffirmed its commitment to sarva dharma sambhav and discussed strengthening ties with the BJP “for the welfare and development of Maharashtra”.

In recent days, reports had suggested Ajit Pawar might return to the Maha Vikas Aghadi following the party’s poor performance in Pune municipal elections, but these claims were denied.

Big question for Maha Yuti

Ajit Pawar’s death also presents an immediate challenge for the Devendra Fadnavis-led Maha Yuti government. Pawar held crucial portfolios, including Finance, Planning and Excise. With the Budget Session approaching, appointing a new Finance Minister has become urgent.

Beyond numbers and portfolios, Maha Yuti has lost a swift decision-maker known for his administrative grip and political finesse—leaving a vacuum that will not be easy to fill.

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News Network
January 23,2026

Karnataka Governor Thaawarchand Gehlot read only three lines from the 122-paragraph address prepared by the Congress-led state government while addressing the joint session of the Legislature on Thursday, effectively bypassing large sections critical of the BJP-led Union government.

The omitted portions of the customary Governor’s address outlined what the state government described as a “suppressive situation in economic and policy matters” under India’s federal framework. The speech also sharply criticised the Centre’s move to replace the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) with the Viksit Bharat–Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Act, commonly referred to as the VB-GRAM (G) Act.

Governor Gehlot had earlier conveyed his objection to several paragraphs that were explicitly critical of the Union government. On Thursday, he confined himself to the opening lines — “I extend a warm welcome to all of you to the joint session of the State legislature. I am extremely pleased to address this august House” — before jumping directly to the concluding sentence of the final paragraph.

He ended the address by reading the last line of paragraph 122: “Overall, my government is firmly committed to doubling the pace of the State’s economic, social and physical development. Jai Hind — Jai Karnataka.”

According to the prepared speech, the Karnataka government demanded the scrapping of the VB-GRAM (G) Act, describing it as “contractor-centric” and detrimental to rural livelihoods, and called for the full restoration of MGNREGA. The state government argued that the new law undermines decentralisation, weakens labour protections, and centralises decision-making in violation of constitutional norms.

Key points from the unread sections of the speech:

•    Karnataka facing a “suppressive” economic and policy environment within the federal system

•    Repeal of MGNREGA described as a blow to rural livelihoods

•    VB-GRAM (G) Act accused of protecting corporate and contractor interests

•    New law alleged to weaken decentralised governance

•    Decision-making said to be imposed by the Centre without consulting states

•    Rights of Adivasis, women, backward classes and agrarian communities curtailed

•    Labourers allegedly placed under contractor control

•    States facing mounting fiscal stress due to central policies

•    VB-GRAM (G) Act accused of enabling large-scale corruption

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