‘Dark money’ helped Joe Biden reach the White House?

Agencies
January 24, 2021

President Joe Biden benefited from a record-breaking amount of donations from anonymous donors to outside groups backing him, meaning the public will never have a full accounting of who helped him win the White House.

Biden’s winning campaign was backed by $145 million in so-called dark money donations, a type of fundraising Democrats have decried for years. Those fundraising streams augmented Biden’s $1.5 billion haul, in itself a record for a challenger to an incumbent president.

That amount of dark money dwarfs the $28.4 million spent on behalf of his rival, former President Donald Trump. And it tops the previous record of $113 million in anonymous donations backing Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney in 2012.

Democrats have said they want to ban dark money as uniquely corrupting, since it allows supporters to quietly back a candidate without scrutiny. Yet in their effort to defeat Trump in 2020, they embraced it.

For example, Priorities USA Action Fund, the super political action committee that Biden designated as his preferred vehicle for outside spending, used $26 million in funds originally donated to its nonprofit arm, called Priorities USA, to back Biden. The donors of that money do not have to be disclosed.

Guy Cecil, the chairman of Priorities USA, was unapologetic. “We weren’t going to unilaterally disarm against Trump and the right- wing forces that enabled him,” he said in a statement.

Campaign finance laws, in theory, are supposed to limit the influence big money has over politicians. But the system has gaping loopholes, which groups backing Biden and other candidates, have exploited.

“He benefited from it,” said Larry Noble, a former general counsel at the Federal Election Commission.

A Biden spokesman didn’t respond to attempts to seek comment.

His campaign called for banning some types of nonprofits from spending money to influence elections and requiring that any organization spending more than $10,000 to influence elections to register with the FEC and disclose its donors.

Deep Pockets

Biden raised more than $1 billion for his campaign, which can accept donations of up to $2,800 per election from individuals. That included $318.6 million from donors who gave less than $200 each. The rest of the money Biden raised came from donors with pockets deep enough to give as much as $825,000, with that money being divided among the Democratic National Committee and 47 state parties.

Dark money is not the biggest source of cash to campaigns. Wealthy donors can write eight-figure checks to super-PACs, Noble pointed out. Joint fundraising committees that raise money for campaigns and parties can bring in chunks of $830,500.

In September, Michael Bloomberg said he would spend $100 million to help Biden in Florida, allowing Democrats to divert money to other must-win states. Biden lost Florida but flipped five states that Trump won in 2016.

Bloomberg is the founder and majority owner of Bloomberg LP, the parent company of Bloomberg News.

Donors who want to avoid disclosure can give to political nonprofits, like Defending Democracy Together, which spent $15.6 million backing Biden, and aren’t required to disclose their contributors to the FEC. Donors can also give money to a nonprofit that in turn gives the money to a super-PAC, like Priorities USA did. Candidates and their campaigns can’t coordinate spending with such groups under federal law.

And that lack of disclosure worries reform groups.

Big donors -- individuals or corporations -- who contributed anonymously will have the same access to decision makers as those whose names were disclosed, but without public awareness of who they are or what influence they might wield.

“The whole point of dark money is to avoid public disclosure while getting private credit,” said Meredith McGehee, executive director of Issue One, which advocates for reducing the influence of money on politics. “It’s only dark money to the public.”

Battleground Attack Ads

Overall, Democrats in this election cycle benefited from $326 million in dark money, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. That was more than twice the $148 million that supported Republican groups. Some of the Democratic groups that relied on dark money in whole or in part spent heavily on early ads attacking Trump in critical battleground states like Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. The groups started spending while Biden’s relatively cash-poor campaign was struggling to raise money for the primaries.

Future Forward PAC, a super-PAC that spent $104 million backing Biden, got $46.9 million from Facebook Inc. co-founder Dustin Moskovitz, $3 million from Twilio Inc. Chief Executive Officer Jeff Lawson and $2.6 million from Eric Schmidt of Alphabet Inc, the parent company of Google. But its biggest source of funds was its sister nonprofit, Future Forward USA Action, which contributed $61 million. The names of those who put up the $61 million don’t have to be disclosed.

The Sixteen Thirty Fund, a nonprofit that sponsors progressive advocacy, donated a total of $55 million in the 2020 election cycle to Democratic super-PACs, including Priorities USA Action Fund and Future Forward PAC, FEC records show. That total was much more than the $3 million it gave in 2018.

Amy Kurtz, executive director of the Sixteen Thirty Fund, said the surge of money to the group, which doesn’t disclose the names of its donors, included people who previously gave to Republicans or had not been engaged in politics.

The flood of dark money to Democrats and progressive groups has complicated their effort to reform the system.

Senator Sheldon Whitehouse, a Rhode Island Democrat, has blamed dark money for persuading Republicans to block legislation to address climate change and assuring judges who share their views are appointed to the courts.

“Dark money is toxic to democracy -- period,” Whitehouse said in a statement. “The fact that progressive groups have learned to fight back using similar tactics is no excuse for continuing the plague of dark money in America.”

Kurtz says her group would prefer rules that eliminated dark money.

“We have lobbied in favor of reform to the current campaign finance system,” she said, referring to H.R. 1, an election reform measure Democrats have proposed that includes more rigorous disclosure of donors to political nonprofits, “but we remain equally committed to following the current laws to level the playing field for progressives.”

Even Cecil, who runs the super-PAC supporting Biden, said the group supports reform.

“We still look forward to the day when unlimited money and super-PACs are a thing of the past,” he said.

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News Network
February 3,2026

manjeshwar.jpg

Kasaragod: An 18-year-old girl was stabbed to death at Thuminad in Manjeshwar panchayat on Monday, allegedly by her father following a domestic dispute. 

The victim has been identified as K U Mariyamath Jumaila. Her father, Umar Farooq, has been taken into police custody, Manjeshwar Station House Officer Inspector Ajith Kumar P said.

According to the police, Umar Farooq had been working in a West Asian country and returned home about three months ago. 

Family tensions reportedly escalated after his wife, Thahira (41), decided to seek a divorce and asked him to leave her life. Kasaragod district panchayat member Harshad Vorkady alleged that Umer was addicted to marijuana and frequently caused disturbances at home.

On Monday, Thahira asked Umar to come to her sister’s house in Thuminad to discuss the dispute. Jumaila accompanied her mother. 

Manjeshwar panchayat member Illiyas Thuminad said Umar arrived along with his brother, following which Thahira handed over gold ornaments and property documents to him and asked him to sever ties with her.

However, the police said a property dispute had been ongoing between Umar Farooq and his sister-in-law’s husband. During a heated argument, Umar allegedly attempted to attack the man with a sharp weapon. When Jumaila intervened to stop the assault, she was stabbed in the neck.

The teenager collapsed after bleeding profusely and was rushed to a private hospital in Mangaluru, where doctors declared her dead. Her body was later shifted to Mangalpady Taluk Hospital for post-mortem examination.

Jumaila was a former student of Sirajul Huda English Medium Higher Secondary School, Manjeshwar. 

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News Network
February 5,2026

In an era where digital distractions are the primary rival to academic excellence, the Karnataka Education Department is taking the fight directly to the living room. As the SSLC (Class 10) annual examinations loom, officials have launched a localized "digital strike" to ensure students aren't losing their competitive edge to scrolling or soap operas.

The 7-to-9 Lockdown

The department has issued a formal directive urging—and in some cases, enforcing via home visits—a total blackout of mobile phones and television sets between 7:00 PM and 9:00 PM. This two-hour window is being designated as "sacred study time" across the state until the examinations conclude on April 2.

Key Pillars of the Initiative:

•    Doorstep Advocacy: Teachers are transitioning from classrooms to living rooms, meeting parents to explain the psychological benefits of a distraction-free environment.

•    Parental Accountability: The campaign shifts the burden of discipline from the student to the household, asking parents to lead by example and switch off their own devices.

•    The Timeline: The focus remains sharp on the upcoming exam block, scheduled from March 18 to April 2.

"The objective is simple: uninterrupted focus. We are reclaiming the evening hours for the students, ensuring their environment is as prepared as their minds," stated a senior department official.

Student vs. Reality

While the student community has largely welcomed the "forced focus"—with many admitting they lack the willpower to ignore notifications—the move has sparked a debate on enforceability. Without a "TV Police," the success of this initiative rests entirely on the shoulders of parents and the persuasive power of visiting educators.

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News Network
February 1,2026

Bengaluru: The Karnataka High Court has refused to quash an investigation against a WhatsApp group administrator accused of allowing the circulation of obscene and offensive images depicting Hindutva politicians and idols in 2021.

Justice M Nagaprasanna observed that, prima facie, the ingredients of the offence under Section 295A of the Indian Penal Code were made out. “The offence under Section 295A of the IPC is met to every word of its ingredient, albeit prima facie,” the judge said.

The petitioner, Sirajuddin, a resident of Belthangady taluk in Dakshina Kannada district, had challenged the FIR registered against him at the CEN (Cyber, Economics and Narcotics) police station, Mangaluru, for offences under Section 295A of the IPC and Section 67 of the Information Technology Act. Section 295A relates to punishment for deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage the religious feelings of any class of citizens.

According to the complaint filed by K Jayaraj Salian, also a resident of Belthangady taluk, he received a WhatsApp group link from an unknown source and was added to the group after accessing it. The group reportedly had six administrators and around 250 participants, where obscene and offensive images depicting Hindu deities and certain political figures were allegedly circulated repeatedly.

Sirajuddin was arrested in connection with the case and later released on bail on February 16, 2021. He argued before the court that he was being selectively targeted, while other administrators—including the creator of the group—were neither arrested nor investigated. He also contended that the Magistrate could not have taken cognisance of the offence under Section 295A without prior sanction under Section 196(1) of the CrPC.

Rejecting the argument, Justice Nagaprasanna held that prior sanction is required only at the stage of taking cognisance, and not at the stage of registration of the crime or during investigation.

The judge noted that the State had produced the entire investigation material before the court. “A perusal of the material reveals depictions of Hindu deities in an extraordinarily obscene, demeaning and profane manner. The content is such that its reproduction in a judicial order would itself be inappropriate,” the court said, adding that the material, on its face, had the tendency to outrage religious feelings and disturb communal harmony.

Observing that the case was still at the investigation stage, the court said it could not interdict the probe at this juncture. However, it expressed concern that the investigating officer appeared to have not proceeded uniformly against all administrators. The court clarified that if the investigation revealed the active involvement of any member in permitting the circulation of such content, they must also be proceeded against.

“At this investigative stage, any further observation by this Court would be unnecessary,” the order concluded.

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